OK, so in the last post we
laid the groundwork for understanding this case, to some extent. If confusion
remains, well, that’s part of the problem here. The Supreme Court is confused
as well. Some of the Justices don’t understand the legality of the BLAG, or the
middle position of the president who sees DOMA as unconstitutional but still
chooses to enforce the law. Chief Justice Roberts went so far as to call the
president a coward, or someone who lacked conviction, so confusion is built
into this case. But where does all this confusion come from? Let’s go back to
our initial question, why is the court getting bogged down in apparent
technicalities and not just deciding on this historic issue?
This frustration with the Supreme Court is a
historic frustration that dates back to the inception of the court. It asks the
most basic question about the court i.e. what actually is the purpose of the
court? You would think this is an easy question. We generally know the purpose
of the executive and legislative branches, but the judicial branch is
considerably murkier in its nature. (Think about it. The President and Congress play active roles, while the Supreme Court only reacts...) The first court, though symbolically
important, was largely a lame duck court because of this uncertainty, and
because of ambivalence about the power of the court. Eventually, the court grew
more stable and solidified its power, and then the biggest question facing the
court was the power of judicial review.
Judicial review gives the court power to decide
on the constitutionality of an act of the president or congress. Though now
essential to the nature of the court, this power isn’t explicitly given in the
constitution. Rather, as Alexander Hamilton first argued, and then Justice
Marshall made famous, judicial review is inherent within the nature of the
constitution. The Constitution, as a code of law, is the highest law in the
land. Any subsequent laws that are created which violate the constitution must
be invalid because this subsequent law only receives its power from the
constitution. In other words, as Hamilton argues, you can’t have a servant
more powerful than the master. Or to put it in more contemporary terms, it’s as
if the boss delegated power to an intern, and that intern used that power to
undermine the boss, which doesn’t work.
But who
decides on the constitutionality of the law? Congress cannot because they make
laws, and the president cannot because he enforces the law. Considering the
need for a separation of power, only the court can hold this singular power.
Fine, but shouldn’t judicial review allow the court to pass judgment on any and
all laws they want, why the need for complication? Isn’t this there purpose, to
protect and explain the constitution in each new generation?
On a similar note, wouldn’t it be much more useful
for the court to serve in an advisory role so that even before laws are made, a
president or congress receives the opinion of the court? The Justices
throughout history, starting with the first court, decided that the disadvantages
of this advisory role outweigh the immediate benefits. In a little piece of not
well-known history, Bernard Schwartz reminds us that:
The very first Court felt constrained to
withhold even from the “Father of his Country” an advisory opinion on questions
regarding which Washington was most anxious to have illumination from the
highest tribunal. In 1793 President Washington, through a letter sent to the
Justices by Secretary of State Jefferson, sought the advice of the Supreme
Court on a series of troublesome “abstract questions” in the realm of
international law “which have already occurred, or may soon occur.” Chief
Justice Jay and his associates first postponed their answer until the sitting
of the Court and then, three weeks later, replied politely but firmly,
declining to give the requested answers.
According to the Justices’ letter
to Washington, both “the lines of separation drawn by the Constitution between
the three departments of the government . . . and our being judges of a court
in the last resort, are considerations which afford strong arguments against
the propriety of our extra-judicially deciding the questions alluded to.”
This story highlights two important and often
misunderstood aspects of the Court. First, the court was always seen as a last
resort. We tend to forget that in our desire to create change. Second, it highlights
the important limitation that the court can only decide legal cases.
But what does that mean that the court only uses
judicial review in legal cases? Aren’t all cases legal? Not really. All cases
can have legal consequences, but not all cases are necessarily "legal" in this
sense. The founders established that a legal case is one that has “case or
controversy,” which later theorists established a three-prong test to determine:
injury, request for redress, and a real potential for the court to redress the
injury. This means that the Court would only hear a case that has a real injury
i.e. I am appealing a case in which I lost money, and a real request from that
party to redress the injury, and only cases in which the court can actually do
something. In grounding the Court’s limitations in concrete legal cases and not
abstract or political cases, the early Justices kept the separation of powers
intact.
Why is this so important? As usual, it all flows
back to the foundation of separating powers. The early Justices realized that
it was imperative that the court not have political power i.e. the power to
veto a law, that court not be involved in the making of laws. Think of the
alternative. Imagine the Supreme Court could just choose to pass judgment on
any law they want to, or imagine that the President or congress, if they don’t
like a law could just push the law into the Supreme Court. This would not only
give immense power to the court in that they can stick their hands in any case
they want, but would blur the line between the powers. If the president or
congress is unhappy with the other branch’s decisions they could simply take
every case to court. Not only would this
clog the court, and involve the court in the making of the law, but it would
also take away power from the people, which is a crucial component to how laws
are made.
Yet, as we can see in the DOMA case, this
position also comes with downsides. It’s no mistake or act of cowardice that the
President, despite the fact that he disagrees with DOMA, is still appealing to
the Supreme Court as an injured party. The president wants the court to rule on
the case, but realizes there exists little legal recourse to do so, ironically,
because most lower courts would overturn DOMA.
Now, the court faces a choice between two of its
different jobs. It needs to protect the constitution, but it also needs to
protect the process of law and the integrity of the court. You can also think
about this distinction in terms of short terms and long-term goals. As many
note, even the more conservative justices appear ready to view DOMA as
unconstitutional, but given what we’ve discussed they don’t necessarily see it
as within their abilities to do so in this case. Now that sounds misguided and
even stupid, no? And if you think of it in this limited context, it is stupid.
It’s essentially letting a murderer get off on a technicality. Yet, if you
think of it in the long-term consequences of this case, it’s portrays a
perennially tough decision. If the court does decide to rule on the
constitutionality of this case, then it sets a precedent that potentially goes
against the nature and history of the court. If the court allows a case to go
through with no real party, no real injury, and no real request of recourse,
then it opens the floodgate to a breach in the separation of powers. So while
people might feel frustrated with the traffic in this case, you need to factor
in the long-term precedence.
Why does that matter? Because though you might
urgently care about the DOMA case, you wouldn’t want the court to have this
unprecedented power in a case you might disagree with. (This is always the
trade off. Roe V. Wade is celebrated by pro rights groups, but pretty much all
legal theorists etc. see it as a terribly argued and decided case where
political expedience won over legal prudence.) Moreover, different courts take
different approaches to the proactive methods of the court. Some courts take on
extremely active roles that many see as undermining the purpose of the court,
and others take on a more passive role and let the society decide the
questions. We can see this latter approach in this case. As many have noted,
the social question of same-sex marriage appears largely decided. Society is
turning more and more to embracing the issue. The court approves of this bottom
up approach to changing law because it sees itself as the last resort. It would
always rather that the people actually decide these cases, than the court,
because the government is a tool of the people, not a tool imposed upon the
people.
Now, this approach can and often does slow down
change in a society, but it also stabilizes the change. So again, Justices need
to choose between stability and change, between the exigency of this specific
law vs. the precedence it creates. There is rarely, if ever, a case of a simple
black and white question of constitutionality.
To move into more explicit opinion mode, I
consequently think that calling this court politicized, or cowardly is
misguided. Reading through the briefs and oral arguments, it’s hard to see
these justices, yes, even the often homophobic Scalia as anything but people
who deeply care about the constitution. Justice Louis Brandeis once famously
said that what the court doesn’t do is as important, if not more important,
that what it does do. And while some of us might want the court to take a more
active role in deciding the important issues of our day, historically, that is
a dangerous role for the Court, one with many negative and destabilizing
consequences. In a time in which our default is to mistrust politicians, I feel
an odd sense of trust in this court, which might be naïve. These are many of
the same people who decided Citizen’s United, but at least in reading the oral
arguments and other statements, I still feel an abiding trust in their
integrity. In a time in which politics is undermined by a natural cynicism,
it’s nice to feel this sort of naïve trust in our officials.